Israel’s Common Denominator
by Roi Feder, associate director, Tel Aviv
Since Israel’s new government recently took office, many questions have arisen over its policy agendas, the context in which it will operate and the trends that have led to its formation.
This is the most diverse governments in Israel’s history; it represents ultra-nationalists, ultra-orthodox, ultra-secular parties and the mainstream. The left-leaning Labor Party was a surprise addition to the new government coalition, which is headed by the rightist Likud Party. Over the past decades, Labor represented a major portion of the Israeli peace camp, but it has now put ideology aside in order to join a government whose prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, is yet to publicly accept the idea of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Two principal issues have led to the formation of this political anomaly:
First, Israel’s multi-party system and low-entry threshold have meant that no single party has the electoral strength to truly dominate a governing coalition. In addition, the coalitions that are formed are inherently unstable, and the parties’ re-election promises are mostly undeliverable. A significant change in Israel’s election system is vital if future governments are to govern. This is a platform on which large parties with conflicting ideologies promote together. A change in the election system would also be supported by Kadima, currently the largest party in Knesset and head of the opposition.
The second issue is the geopolitical turbulence of the past years. The recent centrist government of Ehud Olmert made significant moves to bring about lasting regional peace. Among its achievements are the Annapolis accords with the Palestinian Authority and direct talks with Syria’s leadership about a peace agreement. Even if the current government refuses to further these initiatives, they will remain high on the national agenda.
The Olmert government will be remembered, however, for two major military operations: in southern Lebanon in Gaza, as well as for several clandestine military operations credited to Israel by foreign media. These events are attributed to the increased involvement of Iran in the region and have overshadowed moves toward peace in the region.
Thus, while the global economic crisis has deeply affected Israel, growing security threats have convinced the majority of Israelis to support a rightist harder-line leadership. Iran’s success in building strategic footholds north and south of Israel’s borders, epitomized by a growing arsenal of missiles that have continuously pounded the country in the past three years, have centered Israel’s attention almost solely on national security.
Former Prime Minister Ehud Barak is Labor’s chairman and remains the most decorated soldier in Israel’s history. For the last two years, he has been at the helm of the Ministry of Defense preparing to deal with Israel’s military threats. According to the latest polls, the majority of Israelis believe that continuity in this post, months before Iran is expected to acquire nuclear capabilities, exceeds any party’s political agenda.
This is the context in which the marriage of convenience between the Labor Party and Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing government should be understood. The struggles between orthodox and secular Jews over civil marriage, between right and left over dismantling of settlements and between economists of all persuasions over means for dealing with the financial crisis are all sidelined while Israel is focused on an increasingly tangible Iranian threat to its very existence.